OBJECTIVES: With >6 million hospital stays, costing almost $50 billion annually, hospitalized children represent an important population for which most inpatient quality indicators are not applicable. Our aim was to develop indicators using inpatient administrative data to assess aspects of the quality of inpatient pediatric care and access to quality outpatient care.

METHODS: We adapted the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality quality indicators, a publicly available set of measurement tools refined previously by our team, for a pediatric population. We systematically reviewed the literature for evidence regarding coding and construct validity specific to children. We then convened 4 expert panels to review and discuss the evidence and asked them to rate each indicator through a 2-stage modified Delphi process. From the 2000 and 2003 Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project Kids' Inpatient Database, we generated national estimates for provider level indicators and for area level indicators.

RESULTS: Panelists recommended 18 indicators for inclusion in the pediatric quality indicator set based on overall usefulness for quality improvement efforts. The indicators included 13 hospital-level indicators, including 11 based on complications, 1 based on mortality, and 1 based on volume, as well as 5 area-level potentially preventable hospitalization indicators. National rates for all 18 of the indicators varied minimally between years. Rates in high-risk strata are notably higher than in the overall groups: in 2003 the decubitus ulcer pediatric quality indicator rate was 3.12 per 1000, whereas patients with limited mobility experienced a rate of 22.83. Trends in rates by age varied across pediatric quality indicators: short-term complications of diabetes increased with age, whereas admissions for gastroenteritis decreased with age.

CONCLUSIONS: Tracking potentially preventable complications and hospitalizations has the potential to help prioritize quality improvement efforts at both local and national levels, although additional validation research is needed to confirm the accuracy of coding.

Women's choices appear to emphasize child welfare more than those of men. This paper presents new evidence on how suffrage rights for American women helped children to benefit from the scientific breakthroughs of the bacteriological revolution. Consistent with standard models of electoral competition, suffrage laws were followed by immediate shifts in legislative behavior and large, sudden increases in local public health spending. This growth in public health spending fueled large-scale door-to-door hygiene campaigns, and child mortality declined by 8-15 percent (or 20,000 annual child deaths nationwide) as cause-specific reductions occurred exclusively among infectious childhood killers sensitive to hygienic conditions.

For the well-insured, obtaining health care in the United States is like dining in a sumptuous restaurant that has menus without prices. A price-free menu encourages diners to ignore cost when making their selections. Similarly, well-insured patients usually don't know the prices of medical services at the time they receive them. Even for common procedures, few hospitals list their charges, much less the accompanying professional fees and the out-of-pocket costs; these are only revealed weeks or months later, when the explanation of benefits statement arrives. Without prices, motivated patients cannot "shop around" for lower-cost providers of care—and even patients who knew the price could not easily learn whether the care represents good value.

BACKGROUND: The availability of human papillomavirus (HPV) DNA testing and vaccination against HPV types 16 and 18 (HPV-16,18) motivates questions about the cost-effectiveness of cervical cancer prevention in the United States for unvaccinated older women and for girls eligible for vaccination. METHODS: An empirically calibrated model was used to assess the quality-adjusted life years (QALYs), lifetime costs, and incremental cost-effectiveness ratios (2004 US dollars per QALY) of screening, vaccination of preadolescent girls, and vaccination combined with screening. Screening varied by initiation age (18, 21, or 25 years), interval (every 1, 2, 3, or 5 years), and test (HPV DNA testing of cervical specimens or cytologic evaluation of cervical cells with a Pap test). Testing strategies included: 1) cytology followed by HPV DNA testing for equivocal cytologic results (cytology with HPV test triage); 2) HPV DNA testing followed by cytology for positive HPV DNA results (HPV test with cytology triage); and 3) combined HPV DNA testing and cytology. Strategies were permitted to switch once at age 25, 30, or 35 years. RESULTS: For unvaccinated women, triennial cytology with HPV test triage, beginning by age 21 years and switching to HPV testing with cytology triage at age 30 years, cost $78,000 per QALY compared with the next best strategy. For girls vaccinated before age 12 years, this same strategy, beginning at age 25 years and switching at age 35 years, cost $41,000 per QALY with screening every 5 years and $188,000 per QALY screening triennially, each compared with the next best strategy. These strategies were more effective and cost-effective than screening women of all ages with cytology alone or cytology with HPV triage annually or biennially. CONCLUSIONS: For both vaccinated and unvaccinated women, age-based screening by use of HPV DNA testing as a triage test for equivocal results in younger women and as a primary screening test in older women is expected to be more cost-effective than current screening recommendations.

Context: Colorectal cancer is the second leading cause of cancer death in the United States. Prevention has focused on the detection and removal of polypoid neoplasms. Data are limited on the significance of nonpolypoid colorectal neoplasms (NP-CRNs).

Objectives: To determine the prevalence of NP-CRNs in a veterans hospital population and to characterize their association with colorectal cancer. DESIGN, SETTING, AND

Patients: Cross-sectional study at a veterans hospital in California with 1819 patients undergoing elective colonoscopy from July 2003 to June 2004. MAIN OUTCOME

Measures: Endoscopic appearance, location, size, histology, and depth of invasion of neoplasms.

Results: The overall prevalence of NP-CRNs was 9.35% (95% confidence interval [95% CI], 8.05%-10.78%; n = 170). The prevalence of NP-CRNs in the subpopulations for screening, surveillance, and symptoms was 5.84% (95% CI, 4.13%-8.00%; n = 36), 15.44% (95% CI, 12.76%-18.44%; n = 101), and 6.01% (95% CI, 4.17%-8.34%; n = 33), respectively. The overall prevalence of NP-CRNs with in situ or submucosal invasive carcinoma was 0.82% (95% CI, 0.46%-1.36%; n = 15); in the screening population, the prevalence was 0.32% (95% CI, 0.04%-1.17%; n = 2). Overall, NP-CRNs were more likely to contain carcinoma (odds ratio, 9.78; 95% CI, 3.93-24.4) than polypoid lesions, irrespective of the size. The positive size-adjusted association of NP-CRNs with in situ or submucosal invasive carcinoma was also observed in subpopulations for screening (odds ratio, 2.01; 95% CI, 0.27-15.3) and surveillance (odds ratio, 63.7; 95% CI, 9.41-431). The depressed type had the highest risk (33%). Nonpolypoid colorectal neoplasms containing carcinoma were smaller in diameter as compared with the polypoid ones (mean [SD] diameter, 15.9 [10.2] mm vs 19.2 [9.6] mm, respectively). The procedure times did not change appreciably as compared with historical controls.

Conclusion: In this group of veteran patients, NP-CRNs were relatively common lesions diagnosed during routine colonoscopy and had a greater association with carcinoma compared with polypoid neoplasms, irrespective of size.

When asked who pays for health care in the United States, the usual answer is "employers, government, and individuals." Most Americans believe that employers pay the bulk of workers' premiums and that governments pay for Medicare, Medicaid, the State Children'sHealth Insurance Program (SCHIP), and other programs.

However, this is incorrect. Employers do not bear the cost of employment-based insurance; workers and households pay for health insurance through lower wages and higher prices. Moreover, government has no source of funds other than taxes or borrowing to pay for health care.

Failure to understand that individuals and households actually foot the entire health care bill perpetuates the idea that people can get great health benefits paid for by someone else. It leads to perverse and counterproductive ideas regarding health care reform.