Society

FSI researchers work to understand continuity and change in societies as they confront their problems and opportunities. This includes the implications of migration and human trafficking. What happens to a society when young girls exit the sex trade? How do groups moving between locations impact societies, economies, self-identity and citizenship? What are the ethnic challenges faced by an increasingly diverse European Union? From a policy perspective, scholars also work to investigate the consequences of security-related measures for society and its values.

The Europe Center reflects much of FSI’s agenda of investigating societies, serving as a forum for experts to research the cultures, religions and people of Europe. The Center sponsors several seminars and lectures, as well as visiting scholars.

Societal research also addresses issues of demography and aging, such as the social and economic challenges of providing health care for an aging population. How do older adults make decisions, and what societal tools need to be in place to ensure the resulting decisions are well-informed? FSI regularly brings in international scholars to look at these issues. They discuss how adults care for their older parents in rural China as well as the economic aspects of aging populations in China and India.

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Stanford University
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Adjunct Affiliate, Stanford Health Policy
Adjunct Professor, Stanford School of Medicine
Adjunct Lecturer, Stanford Graduate School of Education
Faculty Fellow, Stanford Center for Innovation in Global Health
Founder and CEO, TeachAids
piya_socara_updated_profile.jpeg PhD, MA

Dr. Piya Sorcar is the founder and CEO of TeachAids, an Adjunct Professor at Stanford’s School of Medicine, and an Adjunct Lecturer at the Graduate School of Education. She leads a team of world experts in medicine, public health, and education to address some of the most pressing public health challenges.


TeachAids is an award-winning 501(c)(3) nonprofit social venture that creates breakthrough software addressing numerous persistent problems in health education around the world, including HIV/AIDS, concussion, and COVID-19. A pioneer in the development of infectious disease education, TeachAids HIV education software is used in 82 countries. In partnership with the US Olympic Committee’s National Governing Bodies, TeachAids has launched the CrashCourse concussion education product suite, which includes research-based applications available online as a standard video and in virtual reality. CoviDB is their third health education initiative, a community-edited platform organizing resources across a comprehensive set of topics relating to COVID-19 for free public use.

Sorcar received her Ph.D. in Learning Sciences and Technology Design and her M.A. in Education from Stanford University. She graduated summa cum laude from the University of Colorado at Boulder with a B.A. in Economics, B.S. in Journalism, and B.S. in Information Systems. She has been an invited speaker at leading universities such as Columbia, Johns Hopkins, Tsinghua, and Yale, and is Chair of the Education Advisory Council for USA Football. MIT Technology Review named her to its TR35 list of the top 35 innovators in the world under 35 and she was the recipient of Stanford’s Alumni Excellence in Education Award.

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Stanford University School of Medicine  
Division of Primary Care and Population Health  
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Professor of Medicine and, by courtesy, of Health Policy
Vice Chief for Research, Division of Primary Care and Population Health
Chief of Health Services Research and Associate Chief of Staff, VA Palo Alto
asch-steven-md.jpg MD, MPH

Steven M. Asch MD, MPH is the Vice-Chief for Research, Stanford Division of General Medical Disciplines and the Chief of Health Services Research at the VA Palo Alto Healthcare System. He develops and evaluates quality measurement and improvement systems, often in the care of patients with communicable disease. Dr. Asch has led several national projects developing broad-based quality measurement tools for veterans, Medicare beneficiaries, and the community. He directs the Center of Innovation to Implementation (Ci2i) that focuses on how to maximize value by testing organizational innovations to make medical care more collaborative and efficient. His educational efforts are focused on training physician fellows in health services research. Dr. Asch is a tenured professor and practicing internist and palliative care physician and the author of more than 280 peer-reviewed articles.

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China’s demographic landscape is rapidly changing, and the government has responded by launching ambitious social and health service reforms to meet the changing needs of the country’s 1.3 billion people. This week, officials approved a five-year plan to develop a comprehensive nationwide social security network.

Karen Eggleston, the Asia Health Policy Program (AHPP) director and a Stanford Health Policy fellow, discusses the success of China’s health care reforms—including its recently established universal health care system—and the long road still ahead.

Why is the overall health and wellbeing of China’s population important globally?

There are many reasons why the health of China’s citizens matters within a larger global context. On the most basic level, China represents almost 20 percent of humanity. But it is also a major player in the world economy and it depends on having a healthy workforce, especially now that its population is aging more. The government’s ability to meet the needs of its underserved citizens contributes to a more productive and stable China, and works towards closing the huge gaps we see in human wellbeing across the world.

China also potentially offers a model for other developing countries, such as India, that may want to figure out how to make universal health coverage work at a tenth of the income of most of the countries that have put it into place before.

What are some of the biggest changes in China’s health care system since 1949?

One of the most significant changes is that China has achieved very basic universal health insurance coverage in a relatively short period of time.  

Throughout the Mao period (1949–1978) there was a health care system linked to the centrally planned economy, which provided a basic level of coverage via government providers with a lot of regional variation. When economic reform came in 1980, large parts of the system—particularly financing for insurance—collapsed. The majority of China’s citizens were uninsured during the past few decades of very rapid social and economic development.

China’s overall population is changing quite dramatically, which means it has different health care needs, such as treating chronic disease and caring for an increasingly elderly population. The central government is trying to establish a system of accessible primary care—a concept that China’s barefoot doctors helped to pioneer but that fell into disarray—and health services that fit these new needs. 

How does China’s basic health care system work? Are there segments of the population still not receiving adequate coverage and care?

China has had a system where people can select their own doctors. Patients usually want to go to clinics attached to the highest-reputation hospitals, but of course, when you are not insured you almost always by default go to where you can afford the care. “It is difficult to see the doctor, and it is expensive” has been the lament of patients in China, so an explicit goal of the health care reforms has been to address this.

The term “universal coverage” has different definitions. China initially put in place a form of insurance that only covers 20 or 30 percent of medical costs for the previously uninsured population, especially in rural areas. Benefits have expanded, but remain limited. As with the previous system, disparities in coverage still exist across the population. China not only has a huge population with huge economic differences, but within that there is a large migrant worker population. It is a challenge to figure out how to cover these citizens and how to provide them with access to better care. The government is quite aware there are segments of the population not receiving equal coverage, and it continues to strive to resolve the issue.  

What are the greatest innovations in China’s health care system in recent years?

One of the most remarkable things China has achieved is really its new health insurance system. Even if the current coverage is not particularly generous it is nearly universal, and mechanisms are put in place each year to provide more generous coverage. China is also working on strengthening its primary care and population health services, infusing a huge sum of government money into these efforts. It is the only developing country of its per-capita income that has achieved such results so far.

Interestingly, a lot of people assume China achieved its universal coverage by mandate, while in fact the central government did so by subsidizing the cost for local governments and individuals. This reduces the burden, for example, on poorer rural governments and residents, and is one innovative way China is trying to eliminate the disparity in access to care.

Eggleston has recently published a working paper on China’s health care reforms since the Mao era on the AHPP website, as well as an article in the Milken Institute Review.

Gordon Liu, a Chinese government advisor on health care and the executive director of Peking University’s Health Economics and Management Institute, spoke at Stanford on May 29 on the future of China’s health care system.

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A disabled woman from Henan writes a poetic plea for money explaining the circumstances of her disability, her family's difficulties in paying for treatment, and their subsequent debt, Shanghai, August 2009.
Flickr/Santo Chino; http://bit.ly/IGKsL1
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What kind of a health care system do China’s 1.3 billion turn to when ill, injured, or in need of care? This article provides a brief overview of how China’s health system has transformed alongside China’s society and economy since the Mao era, including how the current system is financed, organized, regulated, and being reformed. It first provides a brief description of the Mao-era health system and China’s demographic and epidemiologic transitions. Then it gives an overview of China’s contemporary health care system, including the dramatic expansion of health insurance over the last eight years and the progress of national health system reforms initiated in 2009.

A condensed and revised version of this paper is published in The Milken Institute Review 2012 second quarter: 16-27. 

Published: Eggleston, Karen. "Health care for 1.3 billion: An overview of China’s health system." (2012).

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Asia Health Policy Program working paper # 28
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Karen Eggleston
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Abstract

OBJECTIVE:

To examine the frequency and predictors of out-of-home placement in a 30-month follow-up for a nationally representative sample of children investigated for a report of maltreatment who remained in their homes following the index child welfare report.

METHODS:

Data came from the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-being (NSCAW), a 3-year longitudinal study of 5,501 youth 0-14 years old referred to child welfare agencies for potential maltreatment between 10/1999 and 12/2000. These analyses focused on the children who had not been placed out-of-home at the baseline interview and examined child, family and case characteristics as predictors of subsequent out-of-home placement. Weighted logistic regression models were used to determine which baseline characteristics were related to out-of-home placement in the follow-up.

RESULTS:

For the total study sample, predictors of placement in the 30-month follow-up period included elevated Conflict Tactics Scale scores, prior history of child welfare involvement, high family risk scores and caseworkers' assessment of likelihood of re-report without receipt of services. Higher family income was protective. For children without any prior child welfare history (incident cases), younger children, low family income and a high family risk score were strongly related to subsequent placement but receipt of services and case workers' assessments were not. CONCLUSIONS/PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS: Family risk variables are strongly related to out-of-home placement in a 30-month follow-up, but receipt of child welfare services is not related to further placements. Considering family risk factors and income, 25% of the children who lived in poor families, with high family risk scores, were subsequently placed out-of-home, even among children in families who received child welfare services. Given that relevant evidence-based interventions are available for these families, more widespread tests of their use should be explored to understand whether their use could make a substantial difference in the lives of vulnerable children.

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Child Abuse and Neglect
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