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Objective To examine the relationship between hospital volume and in-hospital adverse events. Data Sources Patient safety indicator (PSI) was used to identify hospital-acquired adverse events in the Nationwide Inpatient Sample database in abdominal aortic aneurysm, coronary artery bypass graft, and Roux-en-Y gastric bypass from 2005 to 2008. Study Design In this observational study, volume thresholds were defined by mean year-specific terciles. PSI risk-adjusted rates were analyzed by volume tercile for each procedure. Principal Findings Overall, hospital volume was inversely related to preventable adverse events. High-volume hospitals had significantly lower risk-adjusted PSI rates compared to lower volume hospitals (p <.05). Conclusion These data support the relationship between hospital volume and quality health care delivery in select surgical cases. This study highlights differences between hospital volume and risk-adjusted PSI rates for three common surgical procedures and highlights areas of focus for future studies to identify pathways to reduce hospital-acquired events. © Health Research and Educational Trust.

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Abstract

BACKGROUND:

Patient safety is a national priority. Patient Safety Indicators (PSIs) monitor potential adverse events during hospital stays. Surgical specialty PSI benchmarks do not exist, and are needed to account for differences in the range of procedures performed, reasons for the procedure, and differences in patient characteristics. A comprehensive profile of adverse events in vascular surgery was created.

STUDY DESIGN:

The Nationwide Inpatient Sample was queried for 8 vascular procedures using ICD-9-CM codes from 2005 to 2009. Factors associated with PSI development were evaluated in univariate and multivariate analyses.

RESULTS:

A total of 1,412,703 patients underwent a vascular procedure and a PSI developed in 5.2%. PSIs were more frequent in female, nonwhite patients with public payers (p < 0.01). Patients at mid and low-volume hospitals had greater odds of developing a PSI (odds ratio [OR] = 1.17; 95% CI, 1.10-1.23 and OR = 1.69; 95% CI, 1.53-1.87). Amputations had highest PSI risk-adjusted rate and carotid endarterectomy and endovascular abdominal aortic aneurysm repair had lower risk-adjusted rate (p < 0.0001). PSI risk-adjusted rate increased linearly by severity of patient indication: claudicants (OR = 0.40; 95% CI, 0.35-0.46), rest pain patients (OR = 0.78; 95% CI, 0.69-0.90), ulcer (OR = 1.20; 95% CI, 1.07-1.34), and gangrene patients (OR = 1.85; 95% CI, 1.66-2.06).

CONCLUSIONS:

Patient safety events in vascular surgery were high and varied by procedure, with amputations and open abdominal aortic aneurysm repair having considerably more potential adverse events. PSIs were associated with black race, public payer, and procedure indication. It is important to note the overall higher rates of PSIs occurring in vascular patients and to adjust benchmarks for this surgical specialty appropriately.

Copyright © 2012 American College of Surgeons. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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J Am Coll Surg
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BACKGROUND: Emergency department (ED) ward admissions subsequently transferred to the intensive care unit (ICU) within 24 hours have higher mortality than direct ICU admissions.

DESIGN, SETTING, PATIENTS: Describe risk factors for unplanned ICU transfer within 24 hours of ward arrival from the ED.

METHODS: Evaluation of 178,315 ED non-ICU admissions to 13 US community hospitals. We tabulated the outcome of unplanned ICU transfer by patient characteristics and hospital volume. We present factors associated with unplanned ICU transfer after adjusting for patient and hospital differences in a hierarchical logistic regression.

RESULTS: There were 4252 (2.4%) non-ICU admissions transferred to the ICU within 24 hours. Admitting diagnoses most associated with unplanned transfer, listed by descending prevalence were: pneumonia (odds ratio [OR] 1.5; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.2–1.9), myocardial infarction (MI) (OR 1.5; 95% CI 1.2–2.0), chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) (OR 1.4; 95% CI 1.1–1.9), sepsis (OR 2.5; 95% CI 1.9–3.3), and catastrophic conditions (OR 2.3; 95% CI 1.7–3.0). Other significant predictors included: male sex, Comorbidity Points Score >145, Laboratory Acute Physiology Score

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BACKGROUND:

Inflammatory bowel diseases are costly chronic gastrointestinal diseases. We aimed to determine whether immediate colectomy with ileal pouch-anal anastamosis (IPAA) after diagnosis of severe ulcerative colitis (UC) was cost-effective compared to the standard medical therapy.

METHODS:

We created a Markov model simulating 2 cohorts of 21-year-old patients with severe UC, following them until 100 years of age or death, comparing early colectomy with IPAA strategy to the standard medical therapy strategy. Deterministic and probabilistic analyses were performed.

RESULTS:

Standard medical care accrued a discounted lifetime cost of $236,370 per patient. In contrast, early colectomy with IPAA accrued a discounted lifetime cost of $147,763 per patient. Lifetime quality-adjusted life-years gained (QALY-gained) for standard medical therapy was 20.78, while QALY-gained for early colectomy with IPAA was 20.72. The resulting incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (Δcosts/ΔQALY) was approximately $1.5 million per QALY-gained. Results were robust to one-way sensitivity analyses for all variables in the model. Quality-of-life after colectomy with IPAA was the most sensitive variable impacting cost-effectiveness. A low utility value of less than 0.7 after colectomy with IPAA was necessary for the colectomy with IPAA strategy to be cost-ineffective.

CONCLUSIONS:

Under the appropriate clinical settings, early colectomy with IPAA after diagnosis of severe UC reduces health care expenditures and provides comparable quality of life compared to exhaustive standard medical therapy.

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Ann Surg
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KT Park

Stanford University School of Medicine  
Division of Primary Care and Population Health  
Medical School Office Building X334  
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Professor of Medicine and, by courtesy, of Health Policy
Vice Chief for Research, Division of Primary Care and Population Health
Chief of Health Services Research and Associate Chief of Staff, VA Palo Alto
asch-steven-md.jpg MD, MPH

Steven M. Asch MD, MPH is the Vice-Chief for Research, Stanford Division of General Medical Disciplines and the Chief of Health Services Research at the VA Palo Alto Healthcare System. He develops and evaluates quality measurement and improvement systems, often in the care of patients with communicable disease. Dr. Asch has led several national projects developing broad-based quality measurement tools for veterans, Medicare beneficiaries, and the community. He directs the Center of Innovation to Implementation (Ci2i) that focuses on how to maximize value by testing organizational innovations to make medical care more collaborative and efficient. His educational efforts are focused on training physician fellows in health services research. Dr. Asch is a tenured professor and practicing internist and palliative care physician and the author of more than 280 peer-reviewed articles.

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China’s demographic landscape is rapidly changing, and the government has responded by launching ambitious social and health service reforms to meet the changing needs of the country’s 1.3 billion people. This week, officials approved a five-year plan to develop a comprehensive nationwide social security network.

Karen Eggleston, the Asia Health Policy Program (AHPP) director and a Stanford Health Policy fellow, discusses the success of China’s health care reforms—including its recently established universal health care system—and the long road still ahead.

Why is the overall health and wellbeing of China’s population important globally?

There are many reasons why the health of China’s citizens matters within a larger global context. On the most basic level, China represents almost 20 percent of humanity. But it is also a major player in the world economy and it depends on having a healthy workforce, especially now that its population is aging more. The government’s ability to meet the needs of its underserved citizens contributes to a more productive and stable China, and works towards closing the huge gaps we see in human wellbeing across the world.

China also potentially offers a model for other developing countries, such as India, that may want to figure out how to make universal health coverage work at a tenth of the income of most of the countries that have put it into place before.

What are some of the biggest changes in China’s health care system since 1949?

One of the most significant changes is that China has achieved very basic universal health insurance coverage in a relatively short period of time.  

Throughout the Mao period (1949–1978) there was a health care system linked to the centrally planned economy, which provided a basic level of coverage via government providers with a lot of regional variation. When economic reform came in 1980, large parts of the system—particularly financing for insurance—collapsed. The majority of China’s citizens were uninsured during the past few decades of very rapid social and economic development.

China’s overall population is changing quite dramatically, which means it has different health care needs, such as treating chronic disease and caring for an increasingly elderly population. The central government is trying to establish a system of accessible primary care—a concept that China’s barefoot doctors helped to pioneer but that fell into disarray—and health services that fit these new needs. 

How does China’s basic health care system work? Are there segments of the population still not receiving adequate coverage and care?

China has had a system where people can select their own doctors. Patients usually want to go to clinics attached to the highest-reputation hospitals, but of course, when you are not insured you almost always by default go to where you can afford the care. “It is difficult to see the doctor, and it is expensive” has been the lament of patients in China, so an explicit goal of the health care reforms has been to address this.

The term “universal coverage” has different definitions. China initially put in place a form of insurance that only covers 20 or 30 percent of medical costs for the previously uninsured population, especially in rural areas. Benefits have expanded, but remain limited. As with the previous system, disparities in coverage still exist across the population. China not only has a huge population with huge economic differences, but within that there is a large migrant worker population. It is a challenge to figure out how to cover these citizens and how to provide them with access to better care. The government is quite aware there are segments of the population not receiving equal coverage, and it continues to strive to resolve the issue.  

What are the greatest innovations in China’s health care system in recent years?

One of the most remarkable things China has achieved is really its new health insurance system. Even if the current coverage is not particularly generous it is nearly universal, and mechanisms are put in place each year to provide more generous coverage. China is also working on strengthening its primary care and population health services, infusing a huge sum of government money into these efforts. It is the only developing country of its per-capita income that has achieved such results so far.

Interestingly, a lot of people assume China achieved its universal coverage by mandate, while in fact the central government did so by subsidizing the cost for local governments and individuals. This reduces the burden, for example, on poorer rural governments and residents, and is one innovative way China is trying to eliminate the disparity in access to care.

Eggleston has recently published a working paper on China’s health care reforms since the Mao era on the AHPP website, as well as an article in the Milken Institute Review.

Gordon Liu, a Chinese government advisor on health care and the executive director of Peking University’s Health Economics and Management Institute, spoke at Stanford on May 29 on the future of China’s health care system.

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As incomes rise around the world, health experts expect a more troubling figure to increase as well: the number of diabetics in developing countries.

In China and India – two of the world’s most populous nations with fast-paced economies – the prevalence of diabetes is expected to double by 2025. Between 15 and 20 percent of their adult population will develop the disease as household budgets increase, diets change to include more calories and new health problems emerge.

But China, India and other developing countries are not fully prepared to deal with the rising trend of diabetes. And a growing number of diabetics aren’t getting the care they need to prevent serious complications, Stanford researchers say.

Even with insurance, many diabetics don’t have essential medications that could help them manage their conditions. In many cases, people are spending a great deal of their household incomes to pay for their treatment, said Jeremy Goldhaber-Fiebert, an assistant professor of medicine who led the research team.

“Public and private health insurance programs aren’t providing sufficient protection for diabetics in many developing countries,” said Goldhaber-Fiebert, a faculty member at Stanford Health Policy at the university’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. “People with insurance aren’t doing markedly better than those who don’t have it. Health insurance and health systems need to be re-oriented to better address chronic diseases like diabetes.”

Findings from the study are online and will be published in the Jan. 24 edition of Diabetes Care, the journal of the American Diabetes Association. The journal article was co-authored by Jay Bhattacharya, an associate professor of medicine and Stanford Health Policy faculty member; and Crystal Smith-Spangler, an instructor at Stanford’s Department of Medicine and an investigator at the Palo Alto VA Health Care System.

Failure to adequately manage diabetes will lead to more severe health problems like blindness, heart disease and kidney failure. It also harms the otherwise healthy, Goldhaber-Fiebert said.

Diabetes often strikes people at an age when they’re taking care of children and elderly parents. To sideline these primary caretakers as dependants will lead to a heavy burden for communities and create an obstacle for economic growth, he added.

Using responses to a global survey conducted by the World Health Organization in 2002 and 2003, Goldhaber-Fiebert and his colleagues examined data from 35 low- and middle-income countries in Asia, Latin America, Africa and Eastern Europe to determine whether diabetics with insurance were more likely to have medication than those without insurance.

They also wanted to know whether insured diabetics have a lower risk of “catastrophic medical spending,” a term the researchers define as spending more than 25 percent of a household income on medical care.

“Surprisingly, diabetics with insurance were no more likely to have the medications they need than uninsured diabetics,” Goldhaber-Fiebert said. “They were also no less likely to suffer catastrophic medical spending.”

There are many reasons why health insurance may not protect diabetics in developing countries against high out-of-pocket spending. In some cases, there’s a lack of sufficient medication – such as insulin – that regulate glucose levels. Without those drugs, there’s a greater risk of complications that often lead to more hospitalizations and more expenses.

In other cases, co-payments and deductibles are too high. Sometimes, drugs and medical services to prevent diabetes complications are not covered. And doctors and hospitals don’t always accept insurance.

“Better policies are needed to provide sufficient protection and care for diabetics in the developing world,” Goldhaber-Fiebert said.

Without medications to manage diabetes and prevent secondary complications, the condition will worsen and the burden of catastrophic spending will increase, he said.

“It’s important to get ahead of the curve and prepare so there’s an infrastructure in place to deal with these health and cost issues,” he said.

While preventing diabetes in the first place would be ideal, programs and policies must be established to care for the many cases that will surely continue to exist.

“There isn’t a single country that’s managed to entirely arrest or reverse the trend of diabetes,” he said. “Programs that focus on primary prevention are extremely important, but the reality is that the developing world faces hundreds of millions of diabetes cases that are unlikely to all be prevented.”

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What kind of a health care system do China’s 1.3 billion turn to when ill, injured, or in need of care? This article provides a brief overview of how China’s health system has transformed alongside China’s society and economy since the Mao era, including how the current system is financed, organized, regulated, and being reformed. It first provides a brief description of the Mao-era health system and China’s demographic and epidemiologic transitions. Then it gives an overview of China’s contemporary health care system, including the dramatic expansion of health insurance over the last eight years and the progress of national health system reforms initiated in 2009.

A condensed and revised version of this paper is published in The Milken Institute Review 2012 second quarter: 16-27. 

Published: Eggleston, Karen. "Health care for 1.3 billion: An overview of China’s health system." (2012).

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Asia Health Policy Program working paper # 28
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Karen Eggleston
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